Skip to main content

About your Search

20110701
20110731
Search Results 0 to 8 of about 9
and pakistan leads our overall policy efforts and we are supporting his efforts, ambassador grossman's efforts, to develop all of the different elements of our policies. >> tried to get him here but couldn't. >> okay. so, in other words, you aren't in a position really to answer my question? is that what you're saying? >> yes, senator. i would defer to the special representatives office. >> then would you since the question is to you would you get me a written answer to the question? >> i will, sir. >> thank you. mr. harrigan, what are dea's plans for continued operations should military forces draw down to levels that would not allow adequate support for your operations? >> well, again, co-chairman grassley, i have been in discussions really for the last 18 months with my counter part at the podium here, mr. wechsler, as well as our regional director in afghanistan with the u.s. military and si isaf forces. dea has no intention of drawing down any of our 81 personnel. it would be a bit premature to see right now how the drawdown will impact dea but let me assure you we continue to work with t
that as al qaeda leadership in pakistan comes under pressure, that it is not able to be defined as a safe haven in somalia. since the fall of the mass -- the last national government in 1991, somaliland both the autonomous areas of somalia, have been the only areas with effective governance. somali man seeks international recognition while it truly does not. the question of whether the united states and international committee for the recognizing somaliland or support it integration into greater somalia at some future point requires ongoing an examination and discussion. consequently, today's hearing offers a viable opportunity to examine u.s. policy on a variety of issues involving somali. now i return to ranking member, mr. payne, for comments he might have. >> thank you very much. i would like to thank you and mr. royce for calling this very important joint hearing on assessing the consequences of the failed state of somalia. and it's a pleasure to see my good friend, mr. royce, acting chair the african subcommittee at some point in the past and has maintained a strong interest as has
, pakistan or egypt. and the two questions that i have, how many connections have there been -- convictions have there been over the last several years, do you have any -- and how many occasions do you know where the american embassy has advocated for these cases? generally, when there's a problem, members go to the embassy, they advocate it. how many times has the american embassy participate and been involved in any different cases? >> thank you very much, mr. wolf. there have been, in the 50 cases i was involved with personally, there were two investigations, neither investigation resulted in any legal process, so there are no convictions, um, resulting as of, as of complaints to the effective kidnappings, forced marriages and forced converses of coptic christian women. to my knowledge, also, and according to my research the u.s. embassy has not advocated on behalf of these women. >> one last thing, mr. chairman. as you have this record, i urge you to send it to leon panetta. our military has a very good relationship, in fact, as i think our military has a better relationship and more cl
or afghanistan to prevent pakistan from continuing to fail, the idea of the two-stage solution for israel and palestine or all within the concept of the system and if we don't have strong response things are going in the wrong direction. >> host: what i see on the ground and a travel to afghanistan is to be honest with all the power of the u.s. military you have an incredibly confident will lead military. in the and that's not enough to substitute for the government's of the afghan states and institutions provide and and pushing we just never quite get there. it's hard to find anybody -- >> guest: that's true, too. this brings us back to something like democratization and the culture in their view is going to be something where the people will have a way if you change those that are going to run their government. this is something you can't avoid. when the figures for you don't put other dictators in you can put into place the basic institutions and procedures. >> host: he turned back from these issues in the news of the intellectual argument that the core of your book which is a very cha
or iran today or afghanistan to prevent pakistan from beginning to sell the idea of a two-state solution and they're all within this september of an international state system and we're going in the wrong direction. >> what i see on the ground and i travel often to afghanistan is to be honest with all the power of the u.s. military, you have an incredibly competent military but in the end that's not enough to substitute for the poor governance that the afghanistan paid and the institutions provide. and so we're pushing businesses to walk uphill and we never get there and i'm sure you -- it's hard to find anybody to defend president karzai's governance. >> that's true, too. but good governance brings us back to something like the democratization, something like that procedure and it's going to be their own culture -- but it's going to be something the people will have a way to control, to change those who are going to run their governments. and this is something you can't avoid. when the dictators fall, you have put in place the basic institutions and procedures for getting responsive gov
, to prevent pakistan from continuing to fail. the idea of a two-state solution for israel and palestine, and they are all within the concept of this international state. that is, we don't have strong response of state. things are going in the wrong direction. >> host: what i see on the ground, and i travel often to afghanistan, is to be honest, with all the power of the u.s. military, we have an incredibly confident and well led military. in the and that's not enough to substitute for the governance that the afghans and institutions provide. and so it's like, you know, pushing a rock up a hill. we just never quite get there. i'm sure you wouldn't disagree. it's hard to find anybody, -- >> guest: that is true. but good governance brings us back to something like democratization. something like that procedure and it's going to be their own culture that will sort of be a jerk to interview. but ill be something that people have a way to control and to change those are going to run their government. and this is something you can't avoid when the dictators flow, you don't put on the dictators
, whether with iraq or iraq today or afghanistan to prevent pakistan from continuing to sell the idea of a two-state solution for israel and palestine are all within the concept of the international space system. that is, we don't have strong systems and things are going in the wrong direction. >> host: what i see on the ground when i travel often to afghanistan is to be honest with all the power of the u.s. military, we have an up credibly well-led military, but in the end that's not enough to substitute for the poor government there is and the institutions provide, and it's like, you know, we're pushing this rock uphill and we just never quite get there. i'm sure you wouldn't disagree and it's hard to find anybody to defend president karzai's government. >> guest: that's true too. it brings us back to democratization and that procedure and it will be their own culture, but it's going to be something where the people will have a way to control, change those who are going to run their government, and this is something you can't avoid. when the dictators form and dictatorships are in p
interests or an authorization debate in the congress. given all that is at stake in pakistan, afghanistan, iran, saudi arabia, egypt, syria, yemen and elsewhere in the islamic world, a rational strategic assessment would not devote sizable american military and economic resources to a civil war in libya. it is an expensive diversion that leaves the united states and our european allies with fewer assets to respond to other contingencies. under the constitution, it is our responseability to determine whether we should be a party to libya's civil war. as a part of this process we will consider the terms and scope of the joint resolution before us today. i'm concerned this resolution would provide broad authorities, permitting significant expansion of the united states military involvement in libya's civil war. the resolution would authorize the president to reescalate united states military involvement in libya, to and potentially beyond the lead role it played at the beginning of the operation when the united states carried out intensive airstrikes on a daily basis. the resolution would on
as the leadership in pakistan comes under pressure, it is not able to be fined a safe haven. since the fall in 1991, somalia both now areas of somalia have been the only areas of effective governance. they seek international recognition, but others do not. while they recognize obvious support the eventually integration into greater somalia requires ongoing support. today's hearing offers a valuable opportunity to examine u.s. policy on a variety of issues involving somalia. i'd like to now turn to ranking member, mr. payne, for any comments he might have. >> thank you very. let me thank you for calling the very important joint hearing on assessing the consequences of the failed state of somalia. and it's a pleasure to see my good friend, mr. royce back who chaired the subcommittee at some point in the past and has maintained a strong interest as have congressman smith. and so it's a pleasure to be here at this very important hearing. unfortunately, i will have to leave a few minutes before ii. -- 2:00. i've been invited to be a part of the presidential delegation that will celebrate the new state o
Search Results 0 to 8 of about 9